Svašta-RA

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RacioEmocionalan
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la RacioEmocionalan » 09 jun 2022, 08:01

Tekst izuzetno sadržajan. Treba odvojiti vrijeme za iščitavanje. Pojedine dionice pokazivaju informacije od izuzetnog značaja. Na kraju dana ću se prihvatiti ozbiljnije.
The willingness to be a fool is a precursor to a transformation.

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Sjevernokorejskipas
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la Sjevernokorejskipas » 09 jun 2022, 09:47

Mogu ti poslati datoteku, ljepše se čita. Nije nešto nepoznato ali zanimiljivo i sistematično napisano za englesku javnost.

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RacioEmocionalan
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la RacioEmocionalan » 09 jun 2022, 10:30

Sjevernokorejskipas je napisao/la:
09 jun 2022, 09:47
Mogu ti poslati datoteku, ljepše se čita. Nije nešto nepoznato ali zanimiljivo i sistematično napisano za englesku javnost.
Ne bilo ti zapovjeđeno, možeš mi se javiti u pp.
The willingness to be a fool is a precursor to a transformation.

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OnlyLeft22
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la OnlyLeft22 » 09 jun 2022, 17:43

Sjevernokorejskipas je napisao/la:
08 jun 2022, 23:58
Even in these difficult periods however, when Velezˇ was targeted by ethnic
extremists, endured player boycotts, and was finally torn apart as Bosnia &
Hercegovina submerged into ethnic warfare, the club attempted to remain loyal to
its communist origins. Photographs in an August 1991 edition of Sportski Zˇurnal
clearly showed that large portraits of President Tito still hung proudly in the Velezˇ
club offices, while on the terraces of the Bijeli Brijeg stadium supporters could be seen
holding up the red flag of the KPJ just hours after the ethnically motivated bombing of
the stadium.18 These demonstrations of loyalty to the former communist regime, in a
period when Tito’s personality cult had already been thoroughly deconstructed
(Pavlowitch 1992, pp. 87–94), demonstrate that many of those involved at the club
harboured deep preferences for a return to the era of brotherhood and unity, rather
than for an uncertain future based upon exclusive ethnic nationalisms.
Zrinjski reformed—the ethnic identity challenge
In many respects, the conflicts that engulfed the Hercegovina region and its principal
city of Mostar can be viewed as a reasonably accurate microcosm of the wider Bosnian
war. With the outbreak of fighting across Bosnia & Hercegovina in April 1992, the
situation in Hercegovina followed the general pattern, with the predominantly Serb
Eastern section of this region seceding as part of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia &
Hercegovina (Maric´ 1992). Mostar was bombarded by the ubiquitous combination of
Serb paramilitaries and the Yugoslav People’s Army, which aimed to partition
Hercegovina with the Neretva River—which dissects both the city and the region—
forming a new border. By June 1992 however, Croat forces were able to repel the
attack, forcing both the Serbian military formations and Mostar’s Serb inhabitants,
out of the city altogether (Silber & Little 1996, p. 293). Yet, although the ethnic
composition of Hercegovina partly reflected that of Bosnia & Hercegovina as a
whole—with Muslims forming a majority in the main urban centres (Glenny 1996, pp.
229–30)—the existence of an absolute Croat majority in Western Hercegovina,
comprising of over 200,000 Croats, provided a significant additional complication.
The presence of such a homogenous group over a territory which is contiguous with
Croatia proper was always likely to incite calls for border change, and the nature of
Hercegovian Croat nationalism in this region meant that further conflict was always a
likely outcome (Goldstein 1999, p. 244; Silber & Little 1996, p. 293).
The extreme nationalism which was present amongst the Hercegovian Croat
community is well recorded. During the conflict one Croat solider explained that
Western Hercegovians are ‘the most radical Croats. We are, if you like, more Croat
than the Croats’ (Glenny 1996, p. 156). The existence of such nationalism led to the
founding of the self-proclaimed autonomous ‘Croat Community of Herceg-Bosna’ in
November 1991. Hence, although war between Bosnia & Hercegovina’s Croat and
Muslim communities was avoided until 1993, portents of conflict along this particular
18Sportski Zˇurnal, 20 August 1991.
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fault line were present before 1992, as the aforementioned stadium bombing incident
suggests (Goldstein 1999, p. 244; Silber & Little 1996, p. 291). Ominously for the city’s
Muslim majority, Mostar was proclaimed the capital of the ‘Herceg-Bosna’ in August
1993 and the city quickly became the focal point of the Muslim–Croat conflict when it
finally erupted (Goldstein 1999, pp. 246–47). Members of Red Army Mostar mourned
the fact that Velezˇ became ‘a symbol of the war between the Army of Bosnia &
Hercegovina and the Croatian Defence Council [Hrvatsko Vijec´e Obrane, HVO]’;19 the
reasons for such an observation are intimately entwined with the re-emergence of
ethnic nationalism and the direct challenge to Velezˇ’s identity that this entailed.
The Croatian Sports Club Zrinjski Mostar (Hrvatski Sˇ
portski Klub Zrinjski
Mostar), which had been prohibited at the beginning of Tito’s socialist regime, was
reformed by Croat nationalists in 1992. During the Second World War Zrinjski
Mostar became heavily associated with the fascist Ustasˇa-led NDH, participating in
the regime’s football league in 1941.20 The club’s nationalist credentials, along with
this association with the NDH, were the principal reasons why Tito’s victorious
regime put a ‘large black stop’ to its activities in 1945.21 The fact that Zrinjski Mostar
was a Croat nationalist club was shown by the content of its officially sanctioned
online History. The opening 400 words of this short document contain no mention of
football whatsoever, but instead focus on the importance of the club in the
preservation of Croatian nationalism in Mostar in the face of historic adversities
such as ‘ostensibly pro-Yugoslav but essentially Greater-Serbian rule between the two
world wars’ and ‘nearly 50 years of Communism ingloriously fallen together with the
vampire Serbian hegemonism’.22 Finally, this History leaves the reader in no doubt as
to the task of the club following its 1992 resurrection: ‘We hope and trust in God that
Zrinjski shall again spread the glory of the Croats of Mostar’.23 Both the name of the
club and the club badge, which features the distinctive red and white chequered
sˇahovnica emblem that is an important element of Croat nationalist symbolism, also
underscore a Croat identity for Zrinjski Mostar (see Figure 4). Even the name
‘Zrinjski’ is steeped in the colours of Croat nationalism, as it is derived from a noble
family which championed the cause of Croats against both the Ottomans and the
Austro-Hungarians in the seventeenth century (Goldstein 1999, pp. 43–45).
19Coke and Mirza—Red Army, FK Velezˇ Mostar Supporters’ Group, group interview with author,
Mostar, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 20HSˇK Zrinjski Official Website, HSˇ
K Zrinjski History, available at: http://www.hskzrinjski.ba/
index.php?option¼com_content&task¼view&id¼12&Itemid¼35, accessed 21 May 2008; for a league
table of this 1941 NDH Championship see, Podnar (2006, p. 152). 21HSˇK Zrinjski Official Website, HSˇ
K Zrinjski History, available at: http://www.hskzrinjski.ba/
index.php?option¼com_content&task¼view&id¼12&Itemid¼35, accessed 21 May 2008; Rolland
(2007, p. 197). This ban on the activities of all nationally orientated clubs also resulted in the closure
of the Serbian team Slavija Sarajevo, which was also subsequently re-established with the collapse of
communism in the early 1990s. Zˇeljko, Hamo and Lelja—The Maniacs, FK Zˇeljeznicar Sarajevo
Supporters’ Group, group interview with author, Sarajevo, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 23 May 2008. 22HSˇK Zrinjski Official Website, HSˇ
K Zrinjski History, available at: http://www.hskzrinjski.ba/
index.php?option¼com_content&task¼view&id¼12&Itemid¼35, accessed 21 May 2008. 23HSˇK Zrinjski Official Website, HSˇ
K Zrinjski History, available at: http://www.hskzrinjski.ba/
index.php?option¼com_content&task¼view&id¼12&Itemid¼35, accessed 21 May 2008.
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Regarding the refounding of Zrinjski, Rolland (2007, p. 198) explains that the
‘rebirth of the club with the collapse of communism and Yugoslavia symbolised
the strength of will which had enabled the Croatian people to survive despite the
vicissitudes of history’. However, it is important to note that the resurrected
ultra-nationalist Zrinjski also maintained a strong association with its fascist past,
especially as far as its supporters’ group—Ultras Zrinjski—were concerned. In the
opinion of Mirza, a member of the rival Red Army Mostar Supporters’ Group, Ultras
Zrinjski consisted solely of Croat nationalists who:
. . . are proud to be Ustasˇe. You know, the Ustasˇa were fascists who were with the Nazi
Germans during the Second World War . . . And they all hail like this now [raises his arm in a
Nazi salute]. . . . They hail like this with crosses . . . all in black uniforms.24
This view of Zrinjski supporters as fascist is corroborated both by the findings of
Rolland’s anthropological study of the group (2007, p. 199) and by those of the Helsinki
Committee for Human Rights, which found that Zrinjski supporters displayed
swastikas and a portrait of the Ustasˇa leader Ante Pavelic´ at a football match against
Velezˇ in 2002.25 The openly nationalist ideologies of the club, along with the nationalist
and fascist orientation of a section of its supporters are thus beyond doubt.
The existence of such an ultra-nationalist organisation left Velezˇ, with its long
tradition as a non-ethnically orientated club with a proud communist tradition forged
in the struggle against fascism, in an extremely difficult position. The resurrection of
FIGURE 4. THE EMBLEM OF ‘CROATIAN SPORTS CLUB ZRINJSKI MOSTAR’, COMPLETE WITH THE
CHEQUERBOARD SHIELD OF CROAT NATIONALIST RENOWN, ON THE WALL OF THE BIJELI BRIJEG
STADIUM
24Coke and Mirza—Red Army, FK Velezˇ Mostar Supporters’ Group, group interview with author,
Mostar, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 25The Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Report on the State of
Human Rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina—Analysis for January–December 2002 Period, available at:
http://www.bh-hchr.org/Reports/reportHR2002.htm, accessed 25 May 2008.
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Zrinjski amounted to an explicit challenge to Velezˇ’s identity. Indeed, according to
Wilson (2006, pp. 179–80), certain individuals involved with Zrinjski argued that the
principal reason for the club’s re-establishment was because ‘Croats accuse Muslims of
having hijacked Velezˇ, the club that once represented the whole community’. It is
perhaps in Velezˇ’s initial refusal to succumb to nationalist threats and abandon the
Yugoslav First Federal League in August 1991 that the seeds of this idea were sown.
Donia and Fine (1994, pp. 262–63) also note that, at least in the opening years of the
war, it was inaccurate simply to equate the forces which advocated a unified Bosnia &
Hercegovina as ‘Muslim’, as this body also contained considerable numbers of urban
non-Muslims who favoured ‘the perpetuation of a multiethnic state’.
Nadim Hasic´, a Sarajevo-based journalist, stated that ‘Zrinjski was a product of the
war’ between Muslims and Croats (Hasic´ 2000). Such an opinion was certainly held by
Coke and Mirza, members of Velezˇ’s Red Army Supporters’ Group, who commented
that the Ultras group which followed Zrinjski ‘exist only because of us. If we did not
exist then Ultras would not exist either’.26 The logic behind such a statement derives
from the idea that Zrinjski, and other ethnically orientated clubs, were resurrected
solely in the pursuit of ethnic separation, or in other words, as another vehicle from
which Croat nationalists could challenge the inclusive and multiethnic values of
brotherhood and unity which Velezˇ had always claimed to uphold. Such a policy
would coincide with the twin goals of Serbian and Croatian extremists to eradicate ‘the
pattern of ethnic intermingling’ whilst ‘promoting hatred and intolerance among
Bosnia’s nationalities’ in their attempt to destroy the legitimacy of the emerging
independent Bosnia & Hercegovina as a genuinely multiethnic successor to Yugoslavia
(Donia & Fine 1994, pp. 245, 266).
In this respect, Hasic´ has noted that Bosnian football became ‘just another forum to
exercise and reconfirm existing ethnic divisions’ (Hasic´ 2000). The fact that Velezˇ was
also a prominent symbol of a communist regime which many nationalists viewed as
repressive, only served to increase its value as a target. Regardless of whether such
tactics were intentional, the immediate result, in the aftermath of the war, was a
migration of supporters of Croat ethnicity away from Velezˇ to newly emerging Croat
clubs such as Zrinjski Mostar and Sˇiroki Brijeg.27 Coke stated that all of the fans at
these new clubs ‘supported Velezˇ before the war’ because ‘before the war there was
only one club in the town’, but that today hardly any Croat supporters of Velezˇ
remain.28 The creation of Zrinjski has thus led to a direct challenge to the values which
Velezˇ always stood for. As Mirza noted:
I mean—Football Club Velezˇ—if you speak to officials from Zrinjski and their fan
members . . . they would say that Velezˇ is a Muslim club. They want to create this, and they
want to explain to the people that it is like that, but it is not like that, and it should not be like
26Coke and Mirza—Red Army, FK Velezˇ Mostar Supporters’ Group, group interview with author,
Mostar, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 27Coke and Mirza—Red Army, FK Velezˇ Mostar Supporters’ Group, group interview with author,
Mostar, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 28Coke and Mirza—Red Army, FK Velezˇ Mostar Supporters’ Group, group interview with author,
Mostar, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. The interviewees noted that Velezˇ does still have a
number of Croat supporters and that Zrinjski, likewise, enjoys the backing of some Muslims.
1122 RICHARD MILLS
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that. I would not be a fan of Velezˇ if it was . . . Really! I would not cheer for a Muslim club—
that is fascism, it would be stupidity. If I was a Croat I would not be a fan of Zrinjski—really
I would not. What does it mean? Only us Croats and nobody else!29
Enes, the long term employee of Velezˇ, also went to great lengths to explain that unlike
‘Croatian Sports Club Zrinjski’, his club is not ethnically exclusive: ‘We do not have
any prefix that Velezˇ is more Muslim or more Serbian, it is only ‘‘Football Club
Velezˇ’’’.30 In a similar vein, the club published another book about its history in 1997
(Dervisˇevic´ 1997), which—echoing the previously cited 1982 edition (Sˇkoro 1982)—
eagerly underlined Velezˇ’s multiethnic values and the prominent role which it had
played in the struggle against fascism, both during the Second World War and the
wars of the 1990s.
However, as Rolland’s critical findings make clear (2007, p. 200), even though Velezˇ
still considered itself to be a defender of multiethnicity, as a result of the advent of
Zrinjski, post-war changes in public perceptions and the changed political situation in
Mostar, the club had become—reluctantly—the de facto Muslim team of the city.
Velezˇ Mostar has found it virtually impossible to alter public perceptions on these
issues. This is underlined by the fact that the same Serbian supporters who stated that
Velezˇ’s Red Army Supporters’ Group were ‘practically Yugoslavian’ during the 1980s,
went on to note that such Bosnian groups later ‘declared themselves as Muslims’,
causing their Serb and Croat members to leave.31 Although this opinion is much
disputed, some members of the Bosnian groups in question undoubtedly severed ties
on ethnic grounds.32 However, both Red Army Mostar and Zˇeljeznicar Sarajevo’s
Maniacs were keen to stress that the ‘Muslim’ label was largely imposed upon them by
their adversaries, rather than zealously adopted from within.33
Bijeli Brijeg and ethnic cleansing
Whilst the re-emergence of Zrinjski served as a symbolic attack upon the values of
Velezˇ, the unfolding events in the military conflict over the city of Mostar quickly
resulted in Velezˇ becoming a physical target as well. Following the commencement of
hostilities against West Mostar’s Muslim community, Croat military forces utilised
Velezˇ Mostar’s Bijeli Brijeg Stadium as a temporary detention facility. As shown by
the transcripts of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
(ICTY), Muslim civilians were initially rounded up into the stadium, prior to their
29Coke and Mirza—Red Army, FK Velezˇ Mostar Supporters’ Group, group interview with author,
Mostar, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 30Enes Vukotic´, Avdo Kalajdzˇic´ and Mirza—FK Velezˇ, group interview with author, Mostar,
Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 31Ognjen, Miroslav and Nebojsˇa—Red Firm, FK Vojvodina Supporters’ Group, group interview
with author, Novi Sad, Serbia, 8 November 2007. 32The Maniacs Official Website, Joint Union History, available at: http://www.themaniacs.org/
index.php?option¼content&task¼view&id¼511&Itemid¼99, accessed 21 May 2008. 33Coke and Mirza—Red Army, FK Velezˇ Mostar Supporters’ Group, group interview with author,
Mostar, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008; Zˇeljko, Hamo and Lelja—The Maniacs, FK Zˇeljeznicar
Sarajevo Supporters’ Group, group interview with author, Sarajevo, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 23 May
2008.
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expulsion or transfer to the infamous Heliodrom concentration camp.34 Witness
testimonies in the case against Bosnian Croat Commanders Mladen Naletilic´ and
Vinko Martinovic´ recall the harrowing events of 9 May 1993:
On 9th of May, early in the morning, I was awakened by shooting, intense shooting, which
could be heard in the city. I turned on the radio, and on the radio, people of Bosniak
[Muslim] ethnicity were called to put out a white cloth in the sign of surrender and nothing
would happen to them . . . they took us to the Velezˇ stadium in a van. In the stadium itself
there were a lot of people, including women and children. And several hours later, they took
us from the stadium to the Heliodrom.35
From such evidence it is impossible to differentiate between this case and other
similar situations which were happening in sports stadiums across Bosnia &
Hercegovina. However, it was not solely the Muslim population who the Croat
forces were determined to cleanse from West Mostar. In virtually all other instances of
ethnic cleansing across the former Yugoslavia, culture had been targeted, with the
extensive destruction of religious buildings, libraries and monuments, yet in this case it
was the symbolic resident of the Bijeli Brijeg itself that was an object of the cleansing
operation.36
Velezˇ Mostar’s Bijeli Brijeg stadium, as it was located in the heart of ‘Croat’ West
Mostar, made an ideal home for the resurrected Zrinjski club. Hence Velezˇ—which
as we have seen had come to symbolise both the former socialist regime and a
multiethnic identity which was problematic for chauvinistic nation building
projects—was now **** as ‘Muslim’ and forced to endure the fate of the
community to which it had been forcibly assigned. Enes recalled that his club was
violently cleansed from the Bijeli Brijeg along with the rest of West Mostar’s Muslim
inhabitants:
During the war they practically erased everything that was concerned with Velezˇ. All of these
trophies and pictures of Velezˇ were thrown into the garbage. And all of these trophies which
34Case IT-98-34-T, Mladen Naletilic´ and Vinko Martinovic´ Amended Indictment, 28 November 2000,
available at: http://www.un.org/icty/indictment/engli ... 01204e.htm, accessed 5 July 2008;
Naletilic´ and Martinovic´ Transcript, available at: http://www.un.org/icty/transe34/011210ED.htm,
accessed 5 July 2008, pp. 7251–52; Naletilic´ and Martinovic´ Transcript, available at: http://www.un.org/
icty/transe34/010925ed.htm, accessed 5 July 2008, pp. 2926–31; Naletilic´ and Martinovic´ Judgement, 31
March 2003, available at: http://www.un.org/icty/naletilic/trialc ... /index.htm, accessed 7 July
2008. The transcripts of the Hague Tribunal reveal that Bosnian Serb forces also made extensive use of
football stadiums as detention facilities, execution sites and burial grounds across the territories which
they controlled. Case IT-00-39 & 40-PT, Momcilo Krajis ˇnik and Biljana Plavsˇic´ Amended Consolidated
Indictment, 7 March 2002, available at: http://www.un.org/icty/indictment/engli ... cai020307e.
htm, accessed 3 July 2008; Case IT-00-39-T, Momcilo Krajis ˇnik Transcript, available at: http://
www.un.org/icty/transe39/040421ED.htm, accessed 24 July 2008, p. 2385; Honig and Both (1997,
pp. 59–60). 35Anonymous witness, Naletilic´ and Martinovic´ Transcript, available at: http://www.un.org/icty/
transe34/011210ED.htm, accessed 5 July 2008, pp. 7251–52. 36Cultural architecture was specifically targeted by ethnic cleansers on all sides of the conflict
(Riedlmayer 2002; Bevan 2006).
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you see now [adorning the shelves in his office] are what people found and illegally took, and
brought here after the war . . . [L]ots of these things are still missing. What you can see is not
even 10% of what there was, but these are the only things which were found.37
Velezˇ supporter Mirza explained why it was not possible to protect the historical
objects inside the stadium, chillingly combining the plight of his club and the Muslim
community in the process:
[D]uring the war the people who lived on the west side of the town were actually thrown out
of their homes, with only what they had. They could not even bring anything to eat, and
certainly not trophies and everything, or pictures . . . And as for all the offices in the stadium,
they [the Croat forces] wanted to really erase all of the history . . . it was truly fascism.38
The ruling Croat municipal council of West Mostar subsequently leased the Bijeli
Brijeg Stadium exclusively to Zrinjski Mostar for a period of 99 years (see Figure 5).39
Velezˇ, banished to the Muslim controlled east side of the city, became homeless.
The dispute over the Bijeli Brijeg has become a major factor in Muslim–Croat
relations in Mostar. Klemencic (2000, p. 103) notes that this situation ‘represents a
clear example of the symbolic significance of particular pieces of territory, in this case
a piece of territory the size of a football ground’. In their work on territorial politics
and football in Northern Ireland Bairner and Shirlow (1999, pp. 157–58) argue that
football stadiums ‘consistently emerge as sites for the reproduction of a sense of
alienation from the Other’, and that in terms of the ethno-sectarian divide, stadiums
can become ‘alien’ or ‘hostile’ territory where members from the opposing group are
unwelcome. These venues have become ‘quasi-religious sites, important in their own
right but also as metaphors for the political territory which is regarded as being in
need of defence’ (Bairner & Shirlow 1999, p. 162). In the case of Mostar the disputed
territory in question—the Bijeli Brijeg—was representative of what advocates for the
preservation of a centuries old multiethnic Mostar strove to defend and lost—
symbolised here by the expulsion of West Mostar’s Muslim community and its losses
in terms of territory, possessions and multiethnic communal life. But it is also
representative of what has been taken away from Velezˇ Mostar itself, for the latter was
not only forced to abandon its stadium, along with aspects of its history, but it was
also forced to become a symbol of the very concept which those involved with the club
always endeavoured to distance it from—a monoethnic identity. This process began
when both the club and the Muslim community were simultaneously targeted for
expulsion, with the Bijeli Brijeg standing as a poignant monument in both cases. The
memory of Velezˇ’s fallen socialist heroes was also attacked, as the plaque on the club’s
aforementioned war memorial was removed whilst the monument itself has now been
37Enes Vukotic´, Avdo Kalajdzˇic´ and Mirza—FK Velezˇ, group interview with author, Mostar,
Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 38Enes Vukotic´, Avdo Kalajdzˇic´ and Mirza—FK Velezˇ, group interview with author, Mostar,
Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 39Enes Vukotic´, Avdo Kalajdzˇic´ and Mirza—FK Velezˇ, group interview with author, Mostar,
Bosnia & Hercegovina, 2008; Rolland (2007, p. 197) notes that the lease was granted for 109 years.
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adorned with the red and white chequer pattern of Croatian nationalism—a pattern
which was extensively utilised by the fascist Ustasˇa regime (see Figure 2).
Militarily and politically the Muslim–Croat conflict was brought to an end by the
Washington Agreement of February 1994. The Agreement created a fragile Muslim–
Croat Federation in Bosnia & Hercegovina and constituted an important step towards
ending the Bosnian War as a whole (Malcolm 2002, p. 248). Whilst this political
development signalled an end to the fighting in Hercegovina, it did little to reintegrate
the two communities, leaving Mostar effectively divided between a Croat west and a
Muslim east. Red Army members noted that virtually everything in the city remained
separated, including schools and universities,40 whilst Rolland (2007, p. 201) has
described Mostar as ‘a city characterised by the cloning of all institutions’. As this
study has demonstrated, football reflects this general trend of ethnic cleavage.
However, the advent of the Muslim–Croat Federation did eventually pave the way for
an interethnic football league (Rolland 2007, p. 189). This ensured that in 2000 Velezˇ
Mostar returned to the Bijeli Brijeg for the first time since they were removed from it
FIGURE 5. THE DILAPIDATED BIJELI BRIJEG STADIUM IN WEST MOSTAR
40Coke and Mirza—Red Army, FK Velezˇ Mostar Supporters’ Group, group interview with author,
Mostar, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008.
1126 RICHARD MILLS
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in 1993 (Klemencic 2000, pp. 103–5; Rolland 2007, pp. 190–91). However, they
returned to their traditional home as guests, for the Bijeli Brijeg had become the
residence of the Croatian Zrinjski Mostar.
Club secretary Enes recalled that Velezˇ’s return to the Bijeli Brijeg occurred ‘with a
great amount of fear. Amongst the supporters and the club staff there was a fear that
there would be an incident’.41 Over 2,000 Velezˇ supporters crossed the ethnic divide by
bus for this historic match, whilst Muslim newspapers bitterly evoked parallels with the
harrowing events of 9 May 1993 when Muslims had ‘walked on the grass of the stadium
west of the Neretva’ as victims of Croat ethnic cleansing (Rolland 2007, p. 191).
Regarding the atmosphere surrounding derby matches in the city, Coke, a
member of Velezˇ’s Red Army Supporters’ Group, stated that: ‘When there is a
derby it is like war in Mostar’.42 Although the level of violence at these matches has
been relatively insignificant—principally because of extensive security measures—
games held at the Bijeli Brijeg between Zrinjski and Velezˇ are understandably highly
symbolic (Rolland 2007, p. 186). Coke underlines the importance of these clashes:
‘Now all of the confrontation actually takes place between the football clubs—due
to the war. These two clubs have actually become symbols of what was left over
from the war’.43 Regarding a derby in 2002, the Helsinki Committee for Human
Rights recorded that ‘the supporters of Zrinjski’ goaded Velezˇ by displaying a
‘banner reading that Velezˇ would never be allowed to return’ to the Bijeli Brijeg.44
In such a statement it is also implicit that Muslims will never be able to return to
their homes in West Mostar either. Football in Mostar has thus become a
continuation of the carefully cultivated Croat–Muslim conflict by other means—a
kind of war by proxy. For individuals associated with Velezˇ Mostar, matches at the
Bijeli Brijeg do not provide catharsis; on the contrary, they are painful affairs
providing an opportunity to contemplate both what they have lost and what has
replaced them. With a sense of bitterness, Coke, who had grown up in West Mostar
and for whom the Bijeli Brijeg ‘was practically a playground’ in his childhood,
conveys his emotions with the following simple words: ‘That stadium where Zrinjski
plays—it is our stadium’.45
Velezˇ Mostar is by no means the first historical example of a cleansed or
refugee football club. The research of Duke and Crolley (1996, pp. 76–81) has
highlighted a similar phenomenon in Cyprus, where hostilities led both Greek and
Turkish Cypriot teams to flee, along with their ethnic communities, to the
south and north of the island respectively. Indeed, the plight of one Greek Cypriot
41Enes Vukotic´, Avdo Kalajdzˇic´ and Mirza—FK Velezˇ, group interview with author, Mostar,
Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 42Coke and Mirza—Red Army, FK Velezˇ Mostar Supporters’ Group, group interview with author,
Mostar, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 43Coke and Mirza—Red Army, FK Velezˇ Mostar Supporters’ Group, group interview with author,
Mostar, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 44The Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Bosnia and Hercegovina, Report on the State of
Human Rights in Bosnia and Hercegovina—Analysis for January–December 2002 Period, available at:
http://www.bh-hchr.org/Reports/reportHR2002.htm, accessed 25 May 2008. 45Coke and Mirza—Red Army, FK Velezˇ Mostar Supporters’ Group, group interview with author,
Mostar, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008.
VELEZˇ MOSTAR FOOTBALL CLUB 1127
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club, Ethnikos, is particularly analogous to that of Velezˇ, for as Ethnikos’ home
town of Akhna was divided by the partition of Cyprus, the club had to relocate
from its traditional stadium in the Turkish north to a new one in the Greek south
of the town (Duke & Crolley 1996, p. 78). Unlike the Velezˇ Mostar case, the
ethnicity of these Cypriot refugee clubs was never in question—they had always
been either Greek or Turkish. However, what all of these teams shared in common
with Velezˇ were the considerable difficulties of beginning from scratch in times of
post-war austerity, having been separated from their stadiums, finances and training
facilities.
‘A phoenix from the ashes’—Velezˇ is reborn
According to Velezˇ supporter Mirza, ‘since the break-up of Yugoslavia Velezˇ is 100%
the club which has suffered the most . . . it lost almost everything—if not everything’.46
Current club director Avdo played for Velezˇ both before and after the war, and he
recalled the dire situation facing those who re-established Velezˇ in 1994:
. . . it was really bad because after the war Mostar was destroyed, all of the town was
destroyed—well, half of the town—and Velezˇ was destroyed as well. But it rose like a phoenix
from the ashes. When we first started training we did not have any football boots to play in.
That was the bottom—there was nothing else.47
Secretary Enes vividly remembered the meeting at which Velezˇ Mostar was reborn.
He recalled that ‘we found one devastated house where we could gather together all of
the former players and people who had worked in the club during the past period’.48
Following this seminal meeting the club was able to utilise a field at Mostar’s former
Yugoslav Army barracks. The field was the wrong shape for a football pitch and the
grass was in bad condition, but it enabled the team to start working with a football
again. Economically, Velezˇ struggled through this difficult period; the club’s director
noted that his club remained ‘on a drip, like in the hospital’, to this day.49
Eventually in 1996, Velezˇ found a football pitch that was good enough for
competition. Located in Vrapcic´i, several kilometres away from Mostar, the pitch
belonged to a factory and had previously been used by the factory workers.50 The
mountainous backdrop however, is stunning, and whilst it may be compact, Velezˇ now
at least has a ground to call its own again (see Figure 6).
46Coke and Mirza—Red Army, FK Velezˇ Mostar Supporters’ Group, group interview with author,
Mostar, Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 47Enes Vukotic´, Avdo Kalajdzˇic´ and Mirza—FK Velezˇ, group interview with author, Mostar,
Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 48Enes Vukotic´, Avdo Kalajdzˇic´ and Mirza—FK Velezˇ, group interview with author, Mostar,
Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 49Enes Vukotic´, Avdo Kalajdzˇic´ and Mirza—FK Velezˇ, group interview with author, Mostar,
Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 50Enes Vukotic´, Avdo Kalajdzˇic´ and Mirza—FK Velezˇ, group interview with author, Mostar,
Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008.
1128 RICHARD MILLS
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Enes noted that negotiations regarding a potential return to the Bijeli Brijeg had
continued since the end of the war—‘everyday’—but that the political situation in
Mostar rendered such a development an impossibility.51 Avdo, the club director,
mourned that ‘Velezˇ can never be what it was playing in Vrapcic´i’, and that ‘of course
everybody in Velezˇ would like to get back to playing in the Bijeli Brijeg Stadium, but
due to the political situation it is practically impossible for us to play there’.52 Others,
such as Velezˇ supporter Mirza, look at the situation practically: ‘Why struggle for
something which is impossible?’53 One thing that everybody connected with Velezˇ was
able to agree upon was that the crumbling communist era Bijeli Brijeg was now so
dilapidated that it actually needed to be demolished. This highlights the fact that
Velezˇ’s attachment to the Bijeli Brijeg is grounded in sentiment and history, rather
than in financial or infrastructural practicalities (see Figure 7).
The political failure to find some way to accommodate Velezˇ back at the Bijeli
Brijeg, even in terms of a ground-sharing arrangement with Zrinjski, underlines a
FIGURE 6. VRAPCˇIC´ I, THE NEW HOME OF FK VELEZˇ MOSTAR—SMALL BUT BEAUTIFUL
51Enes Vukotic´, Avdo Kalajdzˇic´ and Mirza—FK Velezˇ, group interview with author, Mostar,
Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 52Enes Vukotic´, Avdo Kalajdzˇic´ and Mirza—FK Velezˇ, group interview with author, Mostar,
Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008. 53Enes Vukotic´, Avdo Kalajdzˇic´ and Mirza—FK Velezˇ, group interview with author, Mostar,
Bosnia & Hercegovina, 22 May 2008.
VELEZˇ MOSTAR FOOTBALL CLUB 1129
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much more serious political failure across the entire territory of Bosnia &
Hercegovina. Under the terms of the Dayton Accords, which brought the Bosnian
war to an end in 1996, refugees were to be allowed to return to their homes (Silber &
Little 1996, pp. 378–82). However, the means by which Dayton achieved peace was
through the recognition of an ethnically divided, federal Bosnia & Hercegovina,
consisting of Serb controlled Republika Srpska and the Muslim–Croat Federation.
Silber and Little (1996, p. 380) have commented that the Dayton Accords ‘embodied
a contradiction: sanctioning two ethnic statelets within one unified whole and calling
for the right of the refugees to return’. This statement is equally valid when one
considers the fragile partnership within the Muslim–Croat Federation, which—as
previously discussed—remains deeply riven between the two constituent ethnicities.
This contradiction within Dayton underlines a serious misunderstanding of the war’s
principal objective—from the beginning it had been a conflict ‘fought in the pursuit
of ethnic separation’ (Silber & Little 1996, p. 382). It is thus unsurprising that the
majority of the former Yugoslavia’s two million refugees have been unable to return
to their pre-war dwellings, and in this respect Mostar is no exception (Goldstein
1999, p. 248; Silber & Little 1996, p. 378). Therefore, the plight of Velezˇ can also be
viewed as symbolic of the plight of the Muslim community that it has reluctantly
come to represent, and aspirations for an unlikely return to the Bijeli Brijeg offer
FIGURE 7. AN OVERGROWN SET OF TURNSTILES AND A DIRT TRACK AT THE ANTIQUATED, BUT MUCH
LOVED BIJELI BRIJEG STADIUM
1130 RICHARD MILLS
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West Mostar refugees some hope of an eventual return to their homes (Rolland
2007, p. 195).
The fate of Velezˇ Mostar Football Club was inseparably entwined with that of the
socialist regime which it helped to bring to power. Since the club’s creation in 1922 it
served as a vehicle for the furtherance of a revolutionary project, culminating in the
victory of Tito’s communism, based upon the powerful slogan of ‘brotherhood and
unity’. This slogan, along with the multiethnic society that it symbolised, was zealously
supported by both Velezˇ and the heterogeneous city of Mostar. However, as Yugoslav
socialism developed, these unifying aspirations were implicitly dropped by the regime
in favour of Kardelj-inspired policies which elevated the status and autonomy of
Yugoslavia’s ethnically based constituent republics. Eventually, these developments
fundamentally weakened not only Yugoslavia, but also Velezˇ Mostar’s native Bosnia
& Hercegovina. In a sincere attempt to preserve the rich multiethnic society around it,
the club continued to cling to Tito’s brotherhood and unity long after divisive ethnic
nationalisms had begun to destroy the Yugoslav Federation. Finally losing the battle
to preserve its multiethnic composition when Mostar itself was consumed by conflict,
the club was specifically targeted by nationalist extremists as a prominent symbol of
the heterogeneous and formerly socialist society which these forces endeavoured to
destroy. Newly **** as a solely ‘Muslim’ club by its attackers, Velezˇ was cleansed
from its traditional home and replaced by Zrinjski Mostar—a monolith to an
ethnically exclusive Croatian nationalism that was fundamentally opposed to the
principles of the former socialist regime.
Yet, as we have seen, since the post-war reformation of Velezˇ, the club has once
again attempted to promote itself as a non-ethnically based representative of the city
of Mostar. Those involved with Velezˇ have also demonstrated a reluctance to abandon
its socialist roots, a phenomenon which is highlighted both by the modern presence of
pro-Tito graffiti throughout the city (see Figure 3) and by the fact that during a derby
match against Zrinjski in 2000, Velezˇ supporters proudly chanted: ‘We are Tito’s and
FIGURE 8. A RETURN TO SOCIALIST ROOTS—THE CHANGING NATURE OF THE VELEZˇ MOSTAR EMBLEM
VELEZˇ MOSTAR FOOTBALL CLUB 1131
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Tito is with us!’ (Rolland 2007, p. 185). Perhaps the best example of the club’s
unwillingness to be severed from its past is illustrated by the plight of its symbolic fivepointed star (petokraka). This red star, which since 1922 had been the club emblem
and had symbolised Velezˇ’s unmistakable alignment with ‘the revolutionary workers
movement of the world’ (Sˇkoro 1982, p. 16), was removed from the club’s badge in
1994. Explaining the reasons for this, club employee Enes recalled that ‘the wounds
were still fresh, and just after the war nobody had the courage to put the star back
because it was a symbol of communism’.54 This action underlines the extent to which
the disintegration of communist Yugoslavia had deconstructed the principles upon
which Velezˇ had previously thrived. However, just 10 years after the end of the
Bosnian conflict this politically loaded symbol was proudly reinstated as the club’s
emblem, emphasising the extent to which those involved with Velezˇ were finally ready
to emerge from a turbulent period of identity crisis and uncertainty (see Figure 8). The
modern presence of the petokraka on Velezˇ shirts, symbolic both of a return to the
club’s founding multiethnic principles and of the reclamation of a proud socialist era
history, serves as a poignant reminder of how—against all the odds—Velezˇ Mostar
Football Club zealously battled to protect the communist legacy. In this respect, the
club has faithfully fulfilled Tito’s command to defend the socialist principle of
brotherhood and unity against every nationalist assault.
University of East Anglia
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VELEZˇ MOSTAR FOOTBALL CLUB 113
[/spoiler]

Even in these difficult periods however, when Velezˇ was targeted by ethnic
extremists, endured player boycotts, and was finally torn apart as Bosnia &
Hercegovina submerged into ethnic warfare, the club attempted to remain loyal to
its communist origins. Photographs in an August 1991 edition of Sportski Zˇurnal
clearly showed that large portraits of President Tito still hung proudly in the Velezˇ
club offices, while on the terraces of the Bijeli Brijeg stadium supporters could be seen
holding up the red flag of the KPJ just hours after the ethnically motivated bombing of
the stadium.18 These demonstrations of loyalty to the former communist regime, in a
period when Tito’s personality cult had already been thoroughly deconstructed
(Pavlowitch 1992, pp. 87–94), demonstrate that many of those involved at the club
harboured deep preferences for a return to the era of brotherhood and unity, rather
than for an uncertain future based upon exclusive ethnic nationalisms.


:ljepota:
Uefa Cup 1/4
Uefa Cup winners’ cup 1/8 (2)
43 place in Uefa rankings (best ever from Bosnia and Herzegovina EVER)

U školskim danima o njemu su nas učili sve,
al' život nam objasnio tek, to kakav je čovek Broz.

GOJKO VUKOVIC!

Avatar
OnlyLeft22
Postovi: 11093
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la OnlyLeft22 » 15 jun 2022, 22:20

Boje se i mrtvih Partizana
Uefa Cup 1/4
Uefa Cup winners’ cup 1/8 (2)
43 place in Uefa rankings (best ever from Bosnia and Herzegovina EVER)

U školskim danima o njemu su nas učili sve,
al' život nam objasnio tek, to kakav je čovek Broz.

GOJKO VUKOVIC!

Avatar
Sjevernokorejskipas
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la Sjevernokorejskipas » 15 jun 2022, 22:58

Neko si je uzeo veliku zadaću i udarnički radio što bi se profano reklo u gluho doba noći. A u ovo vrijeme i na ovom mjestu je i tačno popodne gluho doba: niko ne vidi, niko ne čuje i čak šta više nikome i ne smeta.
Ili barem ne u broju koji čini kritičnu masu. Ovo nije pojedinac na djelu jer sam nije mogao ni Safet Sušić nego udruženi zločinački pothvat. E sad ko bi to mogao biti? Ima nekih ljudi koji vole mijenjati istoriju, vjeru, dresove, partije, pismo, riječne tokove. Valjalo bi priupitati takve. Ali ko će to. Ionako....zna se.

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OnlyLeft22
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la OnlyLeft22 » 16 jun 2022, 19:39

Uefa Cup 1/4
Uefa Cup winners’ cup 1/8 (2)
43 place in Uefa rankings (best ever from Bosnia and Herzegovina EVER)

U školskim danima o njemu su nas učili sve,
al' život nam objasnio tek, to kakav je čovek Broz.

GOJKO VUKOVIC!

Avatar
Sjevernokorejskipas
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Pridružen/a: 19 feb 2021, 19:13
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la Sjevernokorejskipas » 17 jun 2022, 21:48

Nikog još nije uhapsilo?
Milicija je to znala riješiti za dan a policija, specijalne jedinice, jake snage MUP a ?
Lažem ko pas. Moja tetka došla u posjetu iz Slovenije i iz cekera joj na Tepi ukrali novčanik. Odemo u "kamenu zgradu", ona opiše ko se motao oko nje, inspektor govori caji donesi album br.12, ovo je garant Fata...pogleda ona slike, pokaza, a inspektor uči caju: rekoh ti bolan, Fata...operiše dopodne na tepi, vadi iz cekera...Elem nije dakle prošlo više od dva sata od krađe....Fata taman ušla u Zemu da se ponovi, novčanik nije ni otvorila...

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Sjevernokorejskipas
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la Sjevernokorejskipas » 17 jun 2022, 21:59

Navijačka plemena su manje više s istog konopca ali ovo naše ima nešto posebno. A to je da više brine o sastavu, transferima nego o tribini. A onako iskreno ja bi volio pojačanja baš na mjestu igrača s brojem 12. Neki odoše na nebesku tribinu, neki sami javljaju kao ne mogu više,nezadovoljnici opšte prakse.Malo svježih snaga bi valjalo. Svaku utakmicu dovesti neku školu,zatvor, ludnicu,kasarnu.....

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Sjevernokorejskipas
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la Sjevernokorejskipas » 17 jun 2022, 22:19

Sredio sam baštu, idem samostalno na kolektivni odmor. Koliko vidim traje do 16/17 jula. Nadam se da će ljubiteljima tucanja kamena biti omogućeno duže bivanje na pitoreksnom otkoku Sv. Grgur.
:wave:

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RacioEmocionalan
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la RacioEmocionalan » 18 jun 2022, 09:28

Kao i obično u srijedu sa dovitljivošću i dopadljivošću. Užitak te je čitati. :wave:
The willingness to be a fool is a precursor to a transformation.

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Sjevernokorejskipas
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la Sjevernokorejskipas » 30 jun 2022, 15:43

Ima finih stvari koje su uočene.
Lijepa proslava rođendana, čitam pohvale i od Bra i Arg tifoza, oni bar znaju nešto o tome. Naravno treba dodati i zlurade komentare sa okolnih brda, cromanjonaca, krapinaša, jalija i balija ali to bi veliki trener Frojd nazvao kompleksom neuzvraćene ljubavi. Dinaroidni analni karakteri. Do juče anus brisali kamenom. Ostavlja to posljedice na ganglije.
Šta dalje? Veliki Mara je sve dijagnosticirao: većina domačih dječaka i hrabro prema tronu. Naravno da treba strpljenja za to, ali to je Put. Preko noći se samo propada a za uspjeh treba preko trnja i drače.
Od svih transfera volio bi vidjeti neke suportere na nekoj drugoj tribini. Možda uz Neretvu da im se napravi tribina za roncanje u hladovini ili, kao već mnogi, neka idu pod BB. Oni anamo samo pobijeđuju, osvajaju trofeje čak i cijele stadione. Uz to nedostaju im gledatelji tako da bi korist od toga bila višestruka.
SS.ba je tipični ratnohuškački portal koji živi od lajkova zato ne treba voditi polemike s navijačima drugih znakovlja i drugačije seksualne orijentacije. Samo moj stav. Nije ukaz.

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RacioEmocionalan
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la RacioEmocionalan » 30 jun 2022, 16:04

:tokralju:
The willingness to be a fool is a precursor to a transformation.


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OnlyLeft22
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la OnlyLeft22 » 04 jul 2022, 21:10

Sjevernokorejskipas je napisao/la:
04 jul 2022, 21:06
slika
slika

slika

Skupa slika :ljepota:
Uefa Cup 1/4
Uefa Cup winners’ cup 1/8 (2)
43 place in Uefa rankings (best ever from Bosnia and Herzegovina EVER)

U školskim danima o njemu su nas učili sve,
al' život nam objasnio tek, to kakav je čovek Broz.

GOJKO VUKOVIC!

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Sjevernokorejskipas
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la Sjevernokorejskipas » 06 jul 2022, 07:34

Dok je milicija hapsila noćne radnike mogao si spavati otvorenih vrata. Odkada su jake policijske snage počele sa uhićenjima grad pun blindiranih vrata a noću se radi a po danju niti hapsi niti uhićuje.


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Sjevernokorejskipas
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la Sjevernokorejskipas » 09 jul 2022, 15:05

Prvo pozdravi, želje i čestitke:
- Radni narod prijateljske S. Koreje čestita Xokaju na igrama, lik je Grand Šljam no1, najbolji sportaš Kosova.
- Narod Bih čestita iz svega srca Lani. Filmska priča, maltene trenira u kadi. Bazen da joj se napravi na državnom nivou, silne pare su došle u Bosnu i nije vrag da se ne može. Lobirati za Vrapčiće, da se napravi sportsko turistički centar. Bazen pa odmah vaterpolo, skokovi s tornja u vodu, golf, kriket...

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Sjevernokorejskipas
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la Sjevernokorejskipas » 09 jul 2022, 15:12

Mafija trpi teške gubitke...ode najprije Sony pa Tony...šta domaći čekaju? :think:

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Ado1922
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la Ado1922 » 10 jul 2022, 09:21

Ovako trebamo i mi dok naši ne počnu davati golove :urnebes:

https://emalm.com/?v=b1GJQ
Eric Cantona : "You can change your wife, your politics, your religion, but never, never can you change your favourite football team."

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Sjevernokorejskipas
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Re: Svašta-RA

Post Postao/la Sjevernokorejskipas » 10 jul 2022, 22:18

Najčešće poruke navijača, ne samo VFC, počinju sa treba, valjalo bi, moramo....Dok nema 5000 članova sramota je bilo šta napisati u tom stilu, zahtijevati nešto da neko drugi uradi kad kao navijači ne možemo dostići broj članova iz 30-tih godina XX vijeka.
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